This article was downloaded by: [University of Alberta]
On: 26 November 2014, At: 20:22
Publisher: Routledge
Informa Ltd Registered in England and Wales Registered Number:
1072954 Registered office: Mortimer House, 37-41 Mortimer Street,
London W1T 3JH, UK

Asian Affairs
Publication details, including instructions for
authors and subscription information:
http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/raaf20

Searching for Bukhara
Baqer Moin

a

a

BBC World Service, London
Published online: 18 Jun 2010.

To cite this article: Baqer Moin (1993) Searching for Bukhara, Asian Affairs,
24:2, 170-179, DOI: 10.1080/714041211
To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/714041211

PLEASE SCROLL DOWN FOR ARTICLE
Taylor & Francis makes every effort to ensure the accuracy of all
the information (the “Content”) contained in the publications on our
platform. However, Taylor & Francis, our agents, and our licensors
make no representations or warranties whatsoever as to the accuracy,
completeness, or suitability for any purpose of the Content. Any
opinions and views expressed in this publication are the opinions and
views of the authors, and are not the views of or endorsed by Taylor
& Francis. The accuracy of the Content should not be relied upon and
should be independently verified with primary sources of information.
Taylor and Francis shall not be liable for any losses, actions, claims,
proceedings, demands, costs, expenses, damages, and other liabilities

whatsoever or howsoever caused arising directly or indirectly in
connection with, in relation to or arising out of the use of the Content.

Downloaded by [University of Alberta] at 20:22 26 November 2014

This article may be used for research, teaching, and private study
purposes. Any substantial or systematic reproduction, redistribution,
reselling, loan, sub-licensing, systematic supply, or distribution in any
form to anyone is expressly forbidden. Terms & Conditions of access
and use can be found at http://www.tandfonline.com/page/terms-andconditions

SEARCHING FOR BUKHARA
BAQER MOIN

Downloaded by [University of Alberta] at 20:22 26 November 2014

Mr. Moin is Head of the Persian Section in the BBC World Service, London. His lecture on The New Republics of Central Asia was given to the
Society on 18 November 1992.
BUKHARA ISTHE city where my mother was born and brought up into the
comfortable life of the elite who lost out to the Bolsheviks in the 1920's
and who fled to neighbouring Afghanistan and Persia. Her nostalgia for
the beloved homeland was further intensified with the hardships of life in
exile. This everpresent, colourful and strong nostalgia was mingled with
the material Bukhara of silk, gold and carpet in which she was brought up.
She was influenced by a historic dimension of nostalgia for Bukhara,
common to most people in the region known for their soft feelings for
poetry. The Bukhara syndrome verges on, if not outweighs, the search for
The New Jerusalem.
Bukhara, especially in the tenth century under the Samanids, was the
centre of a cultural renaissance after nearly three centuries of Arab domination. It has been described by a contemporary historian as "the focus of
splendour, the shrine of the empire, the meeting place of the most unique
intellects of the age, the horizon of the literary stars of the world, and fair
to the greatest scholars of the period ". The image of the celestial, romantic
and fabulous city of Bukhara has been around ever since. This intense
feeling is constantly evoked by a song written in the early part of the tenth
century. The impact of this celestial song is as great now as the day it was
improvised by the father of Persian poetry, Rudaki, the blind poet, singer
and harp player of the tenth century.
Attracted by the charm of Herat and its environs, the Samanid Prince,
Emir Nasr, had stayed away from his capital Bukhara for about four
years. The Emir was yearned for by his household in Bukhara, and the
entourage were impatient to go back to their families and friends. The
poet laureate and singer of the Prince, Rudaki, was approached by the
Emir's entourage to compose a song powerful enough to induce the
Prince to return to his native Bukhara. In return, he was promised five
thousand gold dinars. Rudaki, who himself was longing "for those dear
friends long left behind ", improvised a simple ballad depicting a nostalgic
reminiscence of Bukhara. It was a very emotional occasion. The Prince
was on his throne in the encampment near Herat. The army was in attendance. Their hearts were throbbing to see how this blind poet was going to
mesmerise the Prince. Thus, Rudaki, the harp-player, began his eternal
song in the presence of the Emir accompanied by his rud or harp. Working
his way up the emotional ladder he turned " the toilsome sands of Oxus
softer than silk " to welcome the Emir.
170

SEARCHING FOR BUKHARA

171

Downloaded by [University of Alberta] at 20:22 26 November 2014

The sands of Oxus, toilsome though they be,
Beneath my feet were soft silk to me.
Long live Bukhara, be thou of good cheer!
Joyous towards thee hasteth our Emir!
The moon is the Prince, Bukhara is the sky;
O sky, the Moon will light thee by and by!
Bukhara is the mead, the Cypress he;
Receive at last, O Mead, the Cypress-Tree!
As soon as Rudaki reached this line, the much affected Prince descended from his throne and jumped on to the horse of the sentinel on duty with
such haste that his riding boots had to be taken to him later on the way.
Instead of the promised five thousand dinars, Rudaki was rewarded with
ten thousand dinars for his achievement. His eternal reward, however, is
the significance given to him in Persian literature and culture over the
course of the centuries, not for inducing the Emir to return to Bukhara,
but for the simple fact that he has turned Bukhara into an eternal spiritual
home with his song.
Exiled as she was, my mother died an unhappy woman feeling robbed
of her life by events; her nostalgia for Bukhara was never diminished.
Bukhara for her was not only a city, it was an identity. It is this quest for
identity that is troubling the people of Central Asia. The nostalgia for a
spiritual homeland is a means not only for the expression of nationalistic
aspirations, but also for achieving ethnic identity and self-recognition
which has been denied for nearly a century by the imposition of first
Russian rule and then the Soviet system. For my mother, Bukhara was a
city she had once lived in and even though there were things embellished
by a colourful imagination over passing years, they were based on personal experiences. The extremities of temperature have always made Bukhara
an introvert of a city. That is the old city. Modest and inward-looking
with andaruni, or inner quarters, for the family and outer quarters, or
biruni, for the guests. The new part of the city looks spacious and confused. Rows of apartment blocks separated by wide boulevards lined with
young trees signify the new part. While the old Bukhara, referred to by its
inhabitants as Holy Bukhara, or " Bukhoro-ye-Sharif", is proud though
dilapidated, the new one is as good as any modern city looking for character and identity. The society is the same, divided horizontally and vertically.
The Central Asians I have encountered in Central Asia were not poor.
In health and education, and in housing the minimum was there. This
poverty was hardly physical, but mainly spiritual. I came across a teacher
in Bukhara. He was relatively well dressed, had finished university and
worked for the government. He was capable of offering a well-argued case
in favour of his method of work in Russian, the language he had been
educated in. He could express himself in English. But that was the limit,
and he was aware of it. When he talked about various topics of his culture

Downloaded by [University of Alberta] at 20:22 26 November 2014

172

SEARCHING FOR BUKHARA

in his own language he was almost incapable of expressing himself and
carrying on any argument except for a few prototype old phrases revealing
his nostalgia. He was not, and does not want to be a robot; he feels he is
Central Asian, but his feeling is not tangible. Even though a new arrival, I
was not the only one seeking the motherland. Wherever I went I discovered that people were looking for that which was unattainable. In 1992
when I visited Central Asia again the search for identity had found some
outward and inward expression. The search has taken people towards
Islam, nationalism and ethnic origin. Russian communist rule has
changed to mainly local communist rule. The story is the same almost
everywhere.
Geographically, Central Asia means territory currently occupied by
the former Soviet republics of Kazakhstan, Kirghizstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan. The term "Central Asia" also tends to include
immediately adjacent areas, or areas a little further away which have very
close ethnic and cultural links to them: many Uighurs (people closely
related to Kazakhs) live over the border in China; there are many Tajiks,
Uzbeks, and Turkmens in Afghanistan; Azerbaijan, on the western shore
of the Caspian, is also usually grouped together with the Central Asians.
They have strong cultural, and increasingly, political and economic bonds
to Turkey and Iran. Turkey's secular state is seen by many as a role model.
Istanbul Turkish is easily understood by Azeris. Across the Caspian Sea in
Central Asia proper understanding is much reduced.
Although the Central Asians are predominantly Sunni Muslim, not
Shia, the cultural affinity with Iran runs through Bukhara and Samarkand
and, more importantly, through Tajikistan. Tajiks speak Persian and
there are large numbers of them living throughout Central Asia, notably
in Uzbekistan. There are strong links between Iran and Azerbaijan too:
large numbers of Azeris live on either side of the Iranian border. In fact,
there are few if any clear frontiers between the nations, and racial diversity
is part and parcel of everyday life. Unnatural borders cut through communities and make for fragile ethnic balances. Up to 25% of the population consists of non-Muslim groups, mostly Russians, and it is they who
have brought the social order as well as literacy and secular learning.
Hence Russian has become the lingua franca throughout the region.
Kazakhstan is the most influential country in the region. With an area
of 2,717,000 sq. km. it was formed as an Autonomous Republic within the
Russian Federation in August 1920. It has a population of 16,000,000, of
which just over 40% are Kazakhs and just under 40% are Russians. Its
capital, Alma Ata, has a population of 1,151,000. Geographically, it
extends from the Volga to the Altai mountains in the West Siberian plains
to the Central Asian deserts. It has a frontier with China in the southeast.
In October 1990 the Kazakh Supreme Soviet adopted a declaration of
state sovereignty. It was one of the last republics to declare full independence. It is the second largest republic in the C.I.S., with a majority
non-Kazakh (mainly Russian and Ukrainian) population. It probably

Downloaded by [University of Alberta] at 20:22 26 November 2014

SEARCHING FOR BUKHARA

173

ranks third in importance, after the Russian Federation and Ukraine. Its
President, Nursoltan Nazarbaiev, is a reformist and one of the most influential leaders in the C.I.S. Nationalist and Islamic forces are putting pressure on Nazarbaiev to change the middle course he is following between
the Russian population and the Kazahks. He is a strong advocate of the
drive against political Islam. At the same time he has distanced himself
from nationalism advocated by radical Kazakhs who ultimately would
like to Kazakhify the country.
Kazakhstan contains about 20 per cent of the cultivated area of the
former Soviet Union, growing mainly grain and cotton. It has rich mineral
resources, heavy engineering and chemicals, and is the third most important industrial republic. It still has nuclear weapons on its soil. This has
given the country an important position in the region and a bargaining
card in dealing with the outside world.
Kirghizstan is the closest country to Kazakhstan in the region and it
may ultimately join Kazakhstan. It was made an Autonomous Republic
in February 1926. In October 1990 the Kirghiz Supreme Soviet renamed
the republic the Socialist Republic of Kirghizstan. It was one of the first
Central Asian republics to declare independence after the failed coup in
Moscow in August 1991.
The Kirghiz president, Askar Akayev, is the most liberal of the Central
Asian leaders, and the strongest advocate of a market economy. Kirghizstan is a small, mountainous and landlocked republic with an area of
198,000 sq. km., which has a frontier with China to the southeast, Kazakhstan to the north and Tajikistan to the south. Out of the population of
4,300,000 just over 50% are Kirghiz, about 25% Russian and 13% Uzbek.
The republic has a small but highly mechanised agricultural sector. It is
self-sufficient in most crops and livestock although its main industry is the
processing of agricultural products and manufacturing light consumer
goods. It has also well developed hydro-electric power stations.
Sharing the Caspian shores with Kazakhstan is Turkmenistan, formed
in October 1924. In August 1990 the Turkmen Supreme Soviet adopted a
declaration of state sovereignty, and declared full independence in
October 1991. It is a small republic, with much of it covered by desert. Its
president, Saparmurad Niyazov, is an orthodox communist, who has tried
to keep nationalist and religious feelings under strict control. It has been
the slowest of the Central Asian republics in introducing political reform.
Turkmenistan is the second largest producer of gas in the C.I.S. It is a
net exporter of electricity, and also produces some oil. Its main agricultural product is cotton, and there is also livestock farming. Turkmenistan is
the southernmost republic within the C.I.S. It is landlocked, with an area
of 488,100 sq. km., bordering Iran on the south and Afghanistan on the
southeast. The population is 3,600,000 with 70% of Turkmen, 13%
Russian, 12% Uzbek and Kazakh.
Next to this sparsely populated country stands Uzbekistan. It was
formed in October 1924. In 1990 the Uzbek Supreme Soviet adopted a

Downloaded by [University of Alberta] at 20:22 26 November 2014

174

SEARCHING FOR BUKHARA

declaration of sovereignty, and was one of the first Central Asian republics
to declare full independence after the August coup.
Uzbekistan is the most populous of the Central Asian republics with a
population of 20,000,000 over an area of 447,000 sq. km. With its huge
mineral resources it is seen as the leading power, with the best economic
potential. Its president, Islam Karimov, is an old-style communist who is
introducing some economic reform, but has tried to keep an authoritarian
grip on political power and has clamped down on growing opposition
from liberal as well as Islamic groups.
Uzbekistan has large reserves of gas, coal, oil, and several other minerals, including gold, uranium, copper, and aluminium. Its industry is
concentrated on the extraction and processing of these minerals, but has
also some heavy and light industries. Agriculture is dominated by intensive cultivation of cotton, which has caused immense environmental problems.
Uzbekistan is situated in the heart of Central Asia and has a short
border with Afghanistan in the south. It has increased its influence drastically by helping to bring to power its friends in Tajikistan.
Tajikistan, the poorest republic in the C.I.S., was formed as an Autonomous Republic in October 1924.
In August 1990 the Tadjik Supreme Soviet asserted the republic's right
to secede from the Soviet Union, and it declared independence soon after
the August coup. The first elected Tajik president, Rahman Nabiev, an
old-style communist, was forced out by a coalition of secular and Islamic
forces. After eight weeks of non-stop demonstrations in April and May
1992, they forced him to set up a coalition government with them, and
gained a substantial number of key jobs. Soon, however, the coalition
collapsed. Supporters of Mr. Nabiev helped by Russian and Uzbek troops
brought back the former communists, led by Emamali Rahmanov, to
power late in 1992. It was a bloody change which led to death and displacement of thousands of people in the country.
Tajikistan is an agrarian society. It is a major producer of cotton and
fruit. It has deposits of rare elements such as uranium, radium, and
arsenic. There are limited light manufacturing industries. With an area of
143,000 sq. km, it is landlocked and has a border with Afghanistan to the
south, and China to the east. It has a predominantly rural population of
5,100,000 (est. 1989) of which about 60% are Tajik, 23% Uzbek, and 10%
Russian.
The only country amongst the Muslim republics of the former Soviet
Union that has changed leadership is the Azerbaijan Republic. It was
formed in April 1920 and joined the U.S.S.R. in December 1922. It
declared independence soon after the August coup, despite the earlier
resistance of its leadership to secessionist pressures from the opposition.
Azerbaijan occupies an area of 86,600 sq. km. and has an overall
population of 7,100,000. Its politics have been dominated by the conflict
with neighbouring Armenia over the enclave of Nagorno-Karabakh. After
successive setbacks on the war front, the former Azeri president, Ayaz
Mutalibov, an orthodox communist, was forced out of office last year by

Downloaded by [University of Alberta] at 20:22 26 November 2014

SEARCHING FOR BUKHARA

175

the nationalist opposition, Popular Front, led by Abolfazl Ilchbey, who
won the presidential elections on 7 June 1992.
Azerbaijan's most important industry is oil production, although its
output has been steadily declining since the 1950's. The engineering and
fishing industries are also important. Its main agricultural product is
cotton.
Azerbaijan occupies the eastern part of Transcaucasia facing the
Caspian Sea, and has a border with Iran in the south. It includes two
autonomous enclaves: Nakhchevan and Nagorno-Karabakh (with its predominantly Armenian population, which is disputed by neighbouring
Armenia).
For over one hundred years the passive Central Asians have not been
in charge of their own fate; even independence was not fought for. The five
Central Asian republics are very isolated; they have diverse cultures,
encompassing many ethnic groups with different languages and dialects.
They should not be thought of as nation-states in the same way as we
think of France or Germany. For example, Kazakhs are a minority in
Kazakhstan; in Uzbekistan there are people from different ethnic backgrounds, speaking different languages, all living together in the same
town. Since independence the old communist establishments have
remained largely intact, with a struggle going on between them and the
newly emerging opposition forces (nationalist, liberal and religious). The
extent of this varies from country to country.
The economic situation, though not critical at the moment, is likely to
get a great deal worse before getting any better. The Central Asian republics have been subsidised by Moscow for a long time, but these subsidies
are now drying up. The economy is likely to be the crucial factor in
determining the new republics' future. The natural resources are there but
they are generally difficult to get at and transportation of goods is also a
big problem. On top of that, they have a shortage of skilled people for a
market economy - managers, economists, lawyers, etc. In Russia, Ukraine,
Bielarus, there was some understanding of the outside world - economists
who were vaguely familiar with Western ideas and practices; the same is
true of managers, lawyers, etc., but this is not the case in Central Asia.
Although there is poverty, it is not a grinding poverty, it is not on the same
scale as poverty in Africa or in the sub-continent; relatively speaking, the
standard of living is high. Environmental problems tend to be the result of
seventy years of neglect, and Central Asians are looking for financial
assistance to help solve them.
A striking feature in the region is the strength of Russian culture,
especially among the educated urban elite. This is resented in the countryside where Russian influence is much weaker. However, even among
the most nationalistic circles, Russian will remain the lingua franca as
many people cannot express themselves eloquently in the local languages.
Novels and poetry, though written in the local languages, have a Western
idiom/form (through Russian influence). The other consideration is the
economy: in many republics Russians make up the best educated and
most skilled sections of the population. There is much debate about

Downloaded by [University of Alberta] at 20:22 26 November 2014

176

SEARCHING FOR BUKHARA

changing the alphabet, and a "typewriter war" is going on - it's not yet
clear which alphabet will prevail although indications are that, with the
exception of Tajikistan, the republics will eventually adopt the Latin alphabet (mainly through Turkish influence).
With the weakening of central power and the disappearance of the
almighty central authority in Moscow, old rivalries (e.g. over water and
territory) are resurfacing. The structure of the societies varies: in Turkmenistan, Kazakhstan and Kirghizstan the power blocs are clan-based; in
Tajikistan and Uzbekistan they are based on regional and territorial loyalties. These differences would prevent the emergence of any big nation
within the republics. Because of ethnic tensions it is unlikely that a Central
Asian (Muslim) bloc will emerge, not least because they are also economic
rivals (for foreign assistance).
What is most concerning the former communist leaderships in these
republics is the Islamic revival. The Western powers as well as the
Kremlin are worried. But for the time being the leaderships should not be
unduly concerned except for their own incompetence. The relationship
between the religious leadership and the political leadership is complex.
The official religious hierarchy is generally appointed by and tends to
support the political leadership. In Tajikistan, Qazi Akbar Turajan-zadeh,
the main religious leader, was dismissed when the political leadership
changed in the country and he was replaced by a pro-government mullah.
But gradually a new generation of young activists are emerging who no
longer pay allegiance to officially supported mullahs. They generally, but
not always, support the opposition movements. However, these allegiances are constantly shifting.
The problem for the leadership is not helped by the fact that Islam is a
central component of the cultural heritage of Central Asia. Most of Islam's
early scholars were from this region. After centuries of isolation and more
than seventy years of communism, people have a very limited, and often
folkloric knowledge of Islam. Many people, for instance, do not see a
contradiction between being a devout Muslim and drinking alcohol at the
same time. Not many Muslim preachers can read the Qoran correctly, let
alone understand its meanings.
Interest in Islam, at this stage, is more a search for identity than
embracing the Islamic doctrine. Even in Tajikistan where Islamic militancy became particularly strong, it was more a tool of political protest
than a doctrinal issue. Similarly in Uzbekistan's Ferghana valley, one of
the poorest areas of Uzbekistan, Islamic sentiment has not yet become an
all-embracing ideology.
The frenzy to be first in Central Asia has attracted a lot of interest from
diverse countries. But none has yet achieved supremacy. Turkey, Iran,
Afghanistan, Pakistan, Saudi Arabia and, to a lesser extent, China, India,
Japan and South Korea are vying for political, commercial, cultural and
diplomatic influence. There are also strong links with North Korea. The
general view is that it is too easy to speak of choice - Central Asians
are struggling to survive and will turn to whoever is prepared to offer
help.

Downloaded by [University of Alberta] at 20:22 26 November 2014

SEARCHING FOR BUKHARA

177

As for the major industrialised countries, the U.S. position seems to be
based on containing what it perceives to be the "danger of fundamentalism". Britain has trade and commercial interests in Azerbaijan,
Kazakhstan, Turkmenistan and to a lesser extent in Uzbekistan. Germans
have good relations with Kazakhstan and are acting independently to
help German communities. Japan is showing interest and is trying to
consolidate its standing in the region, mainly through trade and some
humanitarian aid.
The Arab world is generally curious, but countries like Libya and
Saudi Arabia in particular are playing a rather more active role. The
Saudis have helped in building mosques and spreading traditional Islamic
books. Turkey seems to have "beaten" Iran in the diplomatic game.
Turkey was first to open its embassies in all the capital cities and Turkish
businessmen are very involved in the region. Turkey is trying to promote
the Latin alphabet, Turkish television is available and there are now air
links (though these are very irregular).
As for Iran, the obvious link is Islam and a common cultural heritage.
The Iranians have tried to influence the region not so much through
religion as through their cultural and economic links. Until recently Iran
and the Central Asian Republics had very little knowledge of each other,
and their impressions were coloured by Cold War attitudes. Iran is particularly active in Tajikistan where people speak the same language and
share the same culture as the Iranians. However, the fall of the Islamic and
Democratic parties coalition in December 1992 was a major setback for
Iran. Iran's strategic relations with Moscow were a major factor in not
helping the Islamic forces in Tajikistan. As for the possibility that Iran
might "export fundamentalism" to the region, this seems very unlikely:
any pressure in this direction is likely to come from within rather than
from the outside.
Afghanistan has two types of links, through the former communists
and through the Afghan Mujahedin; the former have weakened but the
latter are very much alive (many Afghan Mujahedin in the resistance were
Tajik, Uzbek and Turkmen). The Tajik government often accused some
Afghan Mujahedin of supporting the Islamic forces in the internal strife of
Tajikistan. Pakistan may have a very important role should the links
between Central Asia and Afghanistan become stronger. There are
various factions inside Pakistan trying to stir up Islamic sentiment;
should extremism from within breed in Central Asia then the region could
be a fertile ground for these factions. India is very worried by the possibility that Pakistan may make inroads in the region. If Pakistan becomes
an important player in Central Asia this will strengthen its standing and
India would have to deal with a much stronger Pakistan.
There are strong links between China and Central Asia. The Uighurs
in Kazakhstan and Kirghizstan are the group that shows the strongest
solidarity with people across the border. In fact, the Uighurs foster ambitions to re-create the eastern Turkistan republic (made up of Chinese and
Kazakh territory). The Kazakhs are concerned that such ambitions may
inspire other groups such as the Cossacks and other minorities. The

Downloaded by [University of Alberta] at 20:22 26 November 2014

178

SEARCHING FOR BUKHARA

Chinese for their part are extremely anxious and the Chinese leadership
has been trying to establish good relations with their Central Asian
counterparts, especially in Kazakhstan, Tajikistan and Kirghizstan (which
all have borders with China).
These are some of the issues in Central Asia. People I met in the streets
of Bukhara, Samarkand, Tashkent, Bishkek, Alma Ata or Baku have
changed in the past three years. Pain and anger are evident in their faces.
Alienation and frustration abound. They are not happy with their present
masters. But the exploitation and cruelty attributed to the Russians or
their communist henchmen in the thirties and forties were far crueller than
anything now. Above all they can associate themselves with the present
rulers and their culture, while they considered the Moscow tyrants to be
alien.
People in Central Asia were woken up from a wintry hibernation to be
dazzled by rays of glasnost, then they were disappointed by Gorbachev. I
happened to be in Bukhara as a guest of some newly discovered relatives.
It was late evening. We were about to have the main course when the
host's young son came to tell his father about Gorbachev's speech. The
father, a nomenclature par excellence, dismissed the boy remarking, "Yet
more chattering from Gorbachev". It was only the next day that I discovered that the Soviet system no longer existed, and President Gorbachev had been making his last speech as the last president of a now
defunct U.S.S.R. They discovered overnight they had been given independence. Soon, however, they discovered that the chain of poverty, corruption and stagnation was worse than before. "For God's sake", asked a
writer from Central Asia, "why can the Russians rehabilitate their writers
and politicians, their Pasternaks and Sholokovs, and we cannot? "
Another writer wants to see all Turkic people of Central Asia united,
be it Uzbek, Tajik, Kirghiz, Kazakh or Turkmen. She is an advocate of a
greater Turkestan to be established in Central Asia. She is full of accusations against what she calls the "Mafia" of bureaucracy which manipulates power and is a law unto itself. For the people in Central Asia,
however, the issue is something different.
There are, of course, some tensions between the nationalities caused by
various factors, including the way the borders were drawn up under
Stalin, which has the potential of creating inter-ethnic aggression. In addition to inter-regional migrations and social dislocation of the local population some nine million Russians live in Uzbekistan, Kazakhstan and
Kirkizstan. Some argue that the Russians are using the nationalities
against each other to create artificial tension to divide and rule. Frustration and anger is vividly evident among the intelligentsia, and so is a
general interest in learning and increasing awareness.
The Russians, as well as Western observers, tend more or less to
visualise an Islamic umbrella covering all Muslims regardless of their
cultural diversities. Islamic sentiment is, of course, a phenomenon interwoven into the fabric of Central Asian society. But the revival of Islam in
Central Asia has to be seen through the general cultural aspirations of

Downloaded by [University of Alberta] at 20:22 26 November 2014

SEARCHING FOR BUKHARA

179

different nationalities. Meanwhile, the general discontent provides an
ideal ground for the growth of either religious or nationalistic tendencies
or both. These tendencies for Central Asians are, however, only a means
rather than a goal, a way leading to their "Bukhara", their identity. A
common home for a Central Asian is a world apart from "the common
European home" used by Mr. Gorbachev in the past, and by some advocates of closer cultural ties with " mother Russia ". As the mystic and poet,
Jalaluddin Rumi, put it, "This home is a place which has no name. It is
neither Egypt, Iraq, or Syria"; nor is this homeland Hejaz (Saudi Arabia),
Turkey or Iran. For Turkic idealists it is the historic Turkestan, and for
some Tajiks the ancient Iran-Zamin (land of the Iranians). The future is
neither this nor that. The blind old poet can still be heard playing his harp,
singing his song and yearning for his Bukhara. Bukhara is lost. But the
search will go on.